Reconciling Libya after Gaddafi

East Meredith, New York - What has really divided Libyans during the past seven months has not been tribe, class, culture, ethnicity or race. In the wake of the recent bloody events, the most divisive issues have been disagreement over the necessity of foreign military intervention and the shape of the future with the National Transitional Council (NTC) – a political body formed by anti-Muammar Gaddafi forces proclaiming to represent the Libyan people – leading the country. What is needed now is for all sides to work together in building the country’s future. Despite the presence of a strong tribal structure, Libya remains a relatively homogeneous society, even in civil war, with the majority of the population Sunni Muslims who speak Arabic. And Libya’s oil wealth – which can help provide economic stability – and small population are favourable factors for a unified country in the future. What many Libyans are concerned about is the necessity of foreign intervention and what it would mean for the future of the country. Several Arab media outlets, particularly Al Jazeera’s on-going discussions of Libya, however, have affirmed that most Libyans think that the country’s tyrants should be ousted through foreign intervention if necessary. Still, there are others who believe that an external military intervention threatens domestic sovereignty and interferes with the quality of domestic political reform that can take place in the future. Thus, there are two mind sets: one determined to oust a tyrant at any cost, and another willing to live with the status quo. As the rebel forces gain control over Gaddafi’s last strongholds, it is time to resolve the domestic tension arising from the question about how Libya ought to move forward in the wake of foreign intervention. The two sides must now meet halfway. There are constructive steps that the NTC, which emerged in Benghazi to become "the face of the revolution" on 27 February, could take to bring both sides together. The NTC has been recognised by the international community, first by NATO and then by the UN, as the legitimate representative of the Libyan people. As such it could recognise the urgency of reform as well as the imperative of state sovereignty, and should also call for a national reconciliation conference to discuss the future of the country as soon as security is established – ideally in the next six to 12 months. Reconciliation requires inclusion, compromise and sacrifice from all sides – engaging those newly in power and those fearing the loss of position or privilege. This conference could shift the debate from focusing on Gaddafi's ouster to a discussion on much-needed reforms, such as separation of powers, opportunities for women and transparency of governance in the context of national self-determination. When government is transparent and wise, the need for external involvement in local affairs declines. This shift in perspective would encourage Libyans of varying opinions to find common ground. In preparation for the national conference, the NTC should form an inclusive provisional government. The new government should soon set a timeline for national elections and the drafting of a new constitution. Crucial is the formation of a new constitution that would maximise representation, empower women and protect minorities. The NTC should not allow its leaders to run for election or be active in the drafting of the new constitution, and make this clear to the public. Setting a timeline for national elections and drafting a new constitution would be a clear measure of sacrifice from the rebels, demonstrating that they are not seeking power but can support the interests of the country as a whole. Such a move would also be a subtle indication that all Libyans would participate in the rebuilding of the nation. Symbols matter. If the NTC treats the nation's former leader with fairness, it would be an impressive gesture of tolerance and equality. The court, not the rebels, should hold Gaddafi and his associates accountable for their crimes. Learning from the past and recognising the promise ahead, Libyans should unite in their support of the NTC as a transitional authority. The nature of the NTC's reforms will be instrumental in determining whether unity is possible or how unity will look. ### * Dr. Ghassan Michel Rubeiz is an Arab American political commentator and former Middle East Secretary of the World Council of Churches. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews). Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 27 September 2011, www.commongroundnews.org Copyright permission is granted for publication.

Obama's unwise campaign against Palestinain Satethood

East Meredith, NY:

President Obama is staging an unwarranted diplomatic battle against the Palestinian attempt at statehood recognition through U.N. membership.

In his speech to the United Nations on Sept. 21, Obama opposed the Palestinian bid for membership without giving any good reason. Instead, he urged a focus on the peace process without showing how he plans to creatively impact Arab-Israeli relations.

“Peace will not come through statements and resolutions at the U.N.,” Obama said. “The deadlock will only be broken when each side learns to stand in each other’s shoes.” This message sounds like preaching.

According to Obama and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the Palestinian effort at the United Nations is unilateral and threatening to peace. In fact, Palestinian statehood would affirm the security of Israel and serve the peace process.

Is the Palestinian move really unilateral? The move is unilateral only as an act of self-determination, but its intention is not to be disruptive. The United Nations is the widest possible platform for peace. And the Palestinian approach to the United Nations is long overdue.

For many years, the Palestinians have relied on the United States to promote a two-state solution. The result has been a dismal failure, primarily because America has not been able to act as a neutral broker.

Since 1967, Israel has established a firm occupation — with the Golan Heights annexed and East Jerusalem partially appropriated. Israel has also established illegal settlements for nearly half a million Jewish residents on Palestinian land, erected a wall of separation and created a siege around Gaza. And Israel has denied the rights of return for Palestinian refugees and maintained the unequal status of Israeli citizens of Palestinian origin, some 20 percent of the population.

By vetoing the Palestinian request at the United Nations, the United States will be on public record in delaying Palestinian statehood after previously promising to promote it. The Palestinians and the entire Muslim world remember Obama’s Cairo speech in June 2009, in which he vowed to push for a two-state solution.

What really matters is the day after. If Obama withdraws financial support to the Palestinian government — as he has hinted earlier — he would have to consider its inflaming impact on the Arab street in the new climate of the Arab Spring.

Washington seems too nervous about the 2012 elections to think clearly. Instead of considering progress of Palestine’s status at the United Nations a way of protecting the two-state solution, the Obama administration feels threatened and is launching a counterattack. As for Israel, it does not wish to be exposed in the future to institutions such as the International Criminal Court or the International Court of Justice by a legally strengthened Palestine.

The Obama administration is doing peace a disfavor by its obdurate approach.

Published first in The Progressive .

Libya has the potential to make a difference in the Arab Spring

East Meredith, New York 

Once the battle with Gaddafi is finished, Libyans can turn to rebuilding their country. Only old attitudes, such as tribal loyalties, stand in the way. After Gaddafi, the greatest challenge in state building will be the exercise of representative and strong national leadership.

Libya is being liberated after Tunisia and Egypt. This recent triumph in Libya will embolden the rebellious movements in Yemen, Syria, Bahrain, Algeria, Jordan, the Palestinian Territories, and in the foreseeable future, even Saudi Arabia.

Of the three liberated North African countries, Libya, despite tribal differences, most resembles Tunisia in having favorable cultural homogeneity within society. Both countries also have manageable-sized populations in relation to the land. While Libya has an advantage over Tunisia in oil wealth, Tunisia is richer in developed non-governmental organizations. To mention one item, Tunisia is relatively liberal in legislation on women’s rights. In rebuilding a society of the future, Libya should eagerly seek close economic and social cooperation with its Arab neighbor on its Western border.

Egypt, in contrast to Libya, has limited cultivable land and a large reservoir of labor. Libya will need construction workers, and educational and health experts, of its neighbor on the Eastern border. Employing Egypt’s labor force just across borders would lessen Cairo’s addiction to foreign assistance and Tripoli’s excessive reliance on Western presence.

Libya is blessed now with the absence of a self-serving military establishment which has nursed Arab autocracies for almost a century. Most Arab rulers have an outrageous sense of entitlement to their nations’ resources. Such manipulative rulers co-opt the military to back up their hold on power. The generals are rewarded for focusing on defense of illegitimate authority rather than the protection of borders.

Even when the ruler is deposed, the power brokers assuming the posture of being on the side of the people, often protect their own interests first.  As a result, the military in Egypt has regained national authority and has slowed the reforms of the post-Mubarak transition. Similarly, albeit to a lesser extent, the powerful business elites in Tunisia have diluted the progress of reform after the demise of President Ben Ali.

Will the transition in Libya be different? The National Transition Council (NTC) of Libya has the potential to begin effective state building since they destroyed the army of Gaddafi with the crucial aid of overwhelming NATO air power. As a result, the leaders of the old regime will not be able to reinvent themselves to take an active role in the post- Gaddafi regime. However, it would be a mistake (a lesson from Iraq’s chaos after Saddam) to bar all former loyalists to Gaddafi from participating in rebuilding the country. An extra tolerant National Transition ( think of South Africa) would gain wider acceptance from all sectors of society and lead the way in building a culture of reconciliation and peace.

Not all the people of Libya are likely to trust the self appointed NTC, which for the most part represents the Eastern (Bengazi) region of the country. Emerging from a climate of violence, which could have developed into a civil war, current Libyan leadership should soon set an end-date for their rule and hand over power to a nationally elected leadership.

The new leaders of Libya have to justify their legitimacy in the days ahead with smart policies. Dependence on NATO for too long would interfere with the process of national recovery. As it pacifies the remnants of old regime loyalists, the Transition Council ought to show tolerance to this opposition. To win the hearts and minds of all the people of Libya, they should immediately widen the circle of their leadership.

Three contiguous North African Arab countries have led the Arab Spring. It is a historic opportunity for Libyans not to dwell on the sins of past but to focus on the opportunities of the future. Egypt and Tunisia are well suited to participate in the rebuilding of Libya. If the leaders of Libya take a regional approach in the rebuilding of their country, NATO’s dominance will be diminishing rapidly.

A decisive difference Libya can make to the Arab Spring is the implementation of a smooth transition to real reform and inter-regional cooperation. If Libya’s transition were to fail, the naysayers of the Arab Spring would be vindicated.