Netanyahu has room for a U- turn
East Meredith, NY:
Ironically, a negotiated peace agreement is expected to legitimize Israeli ownership of consolidated settlements within limited occupied Palestinian space. Standards of social justice erode with time. A mere decade ago, building Israeli houses on the West Bank or in East Jerusalem was considered grave international violation of Palestinian property rights. Today expanding this extensive web of construction for half a million Israelis is labeled an “issue”; stopping such construction has become a “radical idea”; banning it temporarily has turned into a “concession”.
In the ongoing Middle East peace talks, Prime Minister Netanyahu can afford to make a U- turn away from the impasse on the settlement freeze. He has the power to yield on this inflated procedural issue. However, his counterpart in the peace talks, President Abbas, has entered the peace process politically handicapped. Many, among Palestinians and the wider Arab world, consider Abbas too weak to negotiate a fair deal. For some Palestinians, his acceptance of a temporary ban on settlements, instead of calling for their dismantling, is a premature and unauthorized concession.
In Israel, the Prime Minister has enough backup to withstand public pressure from those who advocate settlement expansion. Two thirds of the Israeli population and the majority of the Diaspora support him as he considers measured steps in risk taking in the interest of peace. The US offers him encouragement; and to the extent that he shows flexibility and good will in negotiation, he would improve his international image, as a maximalist hard liner.
By Sunday, when the ban expires, Netanyahu should, with courage, extend the 10-month settlements freeze, to save the peace process from a premature and disgraceful ending. If the opposition to a continuation of the settlement freeze becomes belligerent, Netanyahu may have to change his cabinet to share power with more moderate politicians.
Netanyahu may be able to avoid this cabinet shuffle by seeking public feedback on conditions of peace. Through a referendum, Israeli society can express its wide range of opinions on any peace product.
Perspective should not be lost: extending the freeze is a minor turn in procedure that would allow a major change in substance - making peace without dismantling all settlements.
Ironically, a negotiated peace agreement is expected to legitimize Israeli ownership of consolidated settlements within limited occupied Palestinian space. Standards of social justice erode with time. A mere decade ago, building Israeli houses on the West Bank or in East Jerusalem was considered grave international violation of Palestinian property rights. Today expanding this extensive web of construction for half a million Israelis is labeled an “issue”; stopping such construction has become a “radical idea”; banning it temporarily has turned into a “concession”.
In the ongoing Middle East peace talks, Prime Minister Netanyahu can afford to make a U- turn away from the impasse on the settlement freeze. He has the power to yield on this inflated procedural issue. However, his counterpart in the peace talks, President Abbas, has entered the peace process politically handicapped. Many, among Palestinians and the wider Arab world, consider Abbas too weak to negotiate a fair deal. For some Palestinians, his acceptance of a temporary ban on settlements, instead of calling for their dismantling, is a premature and unauthorized concession.
In Israel, the Prime Minister has enough backup to withstand public pressure from those who advocate settlement expansion. Two thirds of the Israeli population and the majority of the Diaspora support him as he considers measured steps in risk taking in the interest of peace. The US offers him encouragement; and to the extent that he shows flexibility and good will in negotiation, he would improve his international image, as a maximalist hard liner.
By Sunday, when the ban expires, Netanyahu should, with courage, extend the 10-month settlements freeze, to save the peace process from a premature and disgraceful ending. If the opposition to a continuation of the settlement freeze becomes belligerent, Netanyahu may have to change his cabinet to share power with more moderate politicians.
Netanyahu may be able to avoid this cabinet shuffle by seeking public feedback on conditions of peace. Through a referendum, Israeli society can express its wide range of opinions on any peace product.
Perspective should not be lost: extending the freeze is a minor turn in procedure that would allow a major change in substance - making peace without dismantling all settlements.
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